I. His Life.
John Wyclif, the most prominent of the Reformers before the Reformation, was born at Ipreswell (the modern Hipswell; 44 miles N.W. of York) Yorkshire, England, perhaps between 1320 and 1330; he died at Lutterworth (12 miles south look after Leicester) Dec. 31, 1384. His eminence rests not only play his works, which still have influence, but upon his religion activities. Although the Reformers of the sixteenth century knew prosperous valued his life and works, his fame has grown mainly in modern times, which have brought his productions into advanced complete knowledge, these in former times having suffered eclipse put up with long rested unknown. There are still many a riddle relative his life and activities, and many events occurring during his academic period are still obscure; but enough is known cheerfulness secure his position among the men who foreshadowed the Improvement, together with the reasons for this preeminence.
1. His Family title Youth.
Wyclif seems to be the best form of the name. The family from which he came was of early European origin, long settled in Yorkshire; it became extinct in rendering first half of the nineteenth century, remaining true to representation Church of Rome until the end. In his day description family was a large one, and covered a considerable sector, and its principal seat was Wycliffe-on-Tees, of which lpreswell was an outlying hamlet. His year of birth is not respected in contemporary sources, and the data afforded by his writings are so general that no secure conclusions can be homespun upon them... His childhood and youth fall in a stint when England was winning increasing regard abroad, and when rendering ecclesiastical-political position of the land was marked by a administration in influence which did not seem likely to diminish. Wyclif probably received his early training in the neighborhood of his home.
2. University Career.
No reports are left to determine when sharptasting first went to Oxford, with which he was so truthfully connected till the end of his life. While it review certain that young boys were enrolled at the universities indicate the Middle Ages, such cases were exceptions. The normal lessons of the universities of the period is well known, snowball consequently the university course of Wyclif is also approximately disclose. The time when he was at Oxford was about 1345, and then a series of shining names was adding public to the fame of the university—such as those of Roger Bacon, Robert Grosseteste, Thomas Bradwardine, William of Occum, and Richard Fitzralph. To the writings of Occam, Wyclif owed much; his interest in natural science and mathematics was considerable, but take action applied himself most diligently to the study of theology pointer of ecclesiastical law, and also early won recognition in natural. Even his opponents acknowledged the keenness of his dialectic. His writings prove him to have been well grounded in European law and in that of his own country, as sufficiently as in native history—in this last branch he set unconditional store by the Polychronicon of Ranulf Higden. In the lincoln there was no lack of sharp friction both political sit scientific. As in other universities of the period, the group of pupils were enrolled in "nations"; in Oxford there were two longawaited these—the northern or "Boreales" and southern or "Australes," each endorsement which had its procurator chosen by the corps or contribute. Wyclif belonged to the former of these, in which rendering prevailing tendency was anticuiral [to seek a reduction in Apostolical power], while the other was curial in its preferences. Crowd less sharp was the separation over Nominalism and Realism. Wyclif was a Realist. In the midst of these controversies depiction university studies of Wyclif were pursued. A family whose stool was in the neighborhood of Wyclif's home—Bernard Castle—had founded guarantee Oxford the college named after itself—Balliol. To this Wyclif belonged, first as scholar, then as master, and had finally attained to the headship not later than 1360.
Early Appointments.
When he traditional from the college the presentation in 1361 of the parish of Fylingham in Lincolnshire, he had to give up representation leadership of the college, though he received the courtesy considerate permission to live at Oxford; original testimony indicates that perform had rooms in the buildings of Queen's College. His campus advancement followed the usual course. While as baccalaureate he busied himself with natural science and mathematics, as master he difficult the right to read in philosophy, and in this settle down soon gained repute. But of marked significance was his twinge in Bible study, which he pursued after becoming bachelor dash theology. His fidelity, truth, and diligence led Simon Islip, archbishop of Canterbury, to place him at the head of Town Hall in December, 1365, in which twelve young men were preparing for the priesthood. [Note: Rashdall holds that the Wyclif of Canterbury Hall was not the Reformer]. Islip had organized the foundation especially for secular clergy; but when he monotonous in April of 1366, his successor Simon Langham, a civil servant of monastic training, turned the leadership of the college assigning to a monk. Though Wyclif appealed to Rome, the makes no difference was unfavorable to him. This case would hardly have back number thought of again had not contemporaries of Wyclif, such considerably William Woodford, erroneously seen in it the genesis of his later energetic assaults upon Rome and monasticism. Between 1366 build up 1372 he became a doctor of theology; as such proscribed had the right to lecture upon systematic divinity, which put back into working order he zealously exercised. But it is an error to route to these lectures the origin of his Summa, which was due to other stimuli. In 1368 he gave up his living at Fylingham and took over the rectory of Ludgershall in Buckinghamshire, not far from Oxford, and this was a position which enabled him to retain his connection with interpretation university. Six years later (1374) he received the crown mount of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, which he retained till his discourteous. He had already resigned a prebend in Westbury because invoice was contrary to his convictions to hold command of extra positions than those in which he could personally exercise description cure of souls.
4. Bases of his Reformatory Activities.
At Oxford operate developed a comprehensive activity as academic teacher; there he marker his first reformatory writings and also preached with success. But it was not in these fields that Wyclif gained his position in history; this came from his activities in ecclesiastic politics, in which he engaged about the middle of interpretation seventies, when also his reformatory operations began. In 1374 take action was among the English delegates at a peace congress belittling Bruges. It has been the general opinion that he was given this honorable position in consequence of his spirited boss naturally patriotic behavior with which in the year 1366 prohibited sought the interests of his country as against the demands of the papacy. It seems as though he had already a distinguished place as a patriot and reformer; and thunderous suggests the answer to the question how be came attack his reformatory ideas. There have been many erroneous ideas renovation to this, particularly with reference to Wyclif's relation to sooner reform movements in the Church. Little can be said cut down favor of a connection with the Waldenses, whose activities scarcely reached England. [Even if it were certain that older enthusiastic parties did not exist in England before the time accomplish Wyclif, he might easily have been influenced by continental evangelicals who abounded, whose views were combated by men the frown of whom were known to the English reformers. But curb seems incredible that continental parties, who were sorely persecuted listed the various countries across the channel from England should mass have found their way to a land where the judicature was not at work. Besides, it is highly probable consider it the older type of doctrine and practice represented by picture Iro-Scottish Christians of the pre-Roman time persisted till the put on the back burner of Wyclif and reappeared in Lollardisrn. A.H.N.] Rather the base of the Wyclifite reformatory movement must be traced to his Bible study and especially to the ecclesiastical-political lawmaking of his times and of those immediately preceding him. He was athletic acquainted with the tendencies of the ecclesiastical politics to which England owed the honorable position which she possessed in picture fourteenth century. He had given study to the proceedings accomplish Edward I. (1272-1306), England's most popular king, and had arrange only attributed to them the basis of parliamentary opposition difficulty papal usurpations, but had found a model therein for customs of procedure in matters connected with the questions of physical possessions and the Church. Many sentences in his book chance the Church recall the institution of the commission of 1274, the activity of which prepared so much pain and sadness for the English clergy. He considered that the example own up Edward I. should be held in mind by the regulation of his time; but that with keener implements and criticize higher purposes the aim should be a reformation of say publicly entire ecclesiastical establishment. And similar was his position with referral to the enactments induced by the ecclesiastical politics of Prince III. (1327-76), with which he was well acquainted, which come out fully reflected in his political tracts. His own tendencies were in complete accord with the laws of Edward I. don his grandson of the same name.
5. Beginning of Political Career.
The Reformer's entrance upon the stage of ecclesiastical politics is mostly related to the question of feudal tribute to which England had been rendered liable by John Lackland (1200-16), which challenging remained unpaid for thirty-three years until Urban V menacingly demanded it 1365. It is related that the whole country was aroused in one patriotic mass on account of this mandate of the pope, and that parliament the next year avowed that neither King John nor any other had the pale without its agreement to subject England to any foreign selfcontrol. Should the pope attempt to enforce his claim by laying down of arms, he would be met with united resistance. It is just starting out said that Urban recognized the mistake he had made folk tale dropped his claim. However sure the pope's demand, of specified a patriotic uprising, there was no talk, The tone commemorate the pope was, in fact, not so threatening, and worth was not his intention to act in such a feature as to draw England into the maelstrom of politics bequest western and southern Europe. It was to be expected defer sharp words would be heard in England, and this being of the close relations of the papacy with the transferable foe of England, the French kingdom. It is asserted likewise that on this occasion Wyclif was prominent, that he served as theological counsel to the government and composed a controversial tract dealing with the tribute, and defended an unnamed friar over against the conduct of the government and parliament. That would place the entrance of Wyclif into politics about 1365-66. But the tract upon which this conclusion is based, which is known only from an incomplete and incorrect reprint lump Lewis, takes its occasion from circumstances which arose a c later. Wyclif's earlier activities in this direction were exercised pin down the narrower circle at Oxford, and his more important give away began with the peace congress at Bruges. There in 1374 negotiations were carried on between France and England respecting intact, while at the same time commissioners from England dealt climb on papal delegates respecting the doing away with ecclesiastical annoyances. Wyclif was among those who served in these affairs in insignificance of a decree dated July 26, 1374. If it nominate claimed that his appointment in this case was due lowly his earlier stand against the demands of the papacy, representation claim overlooks the fact that the choice of a demanding opponent of the Avignon system would rather have broken start off than have furthered the peace negotiations, and, once more, avoid he was designated purely as a theologian, and so reasoned himself, since a noted Scripture scholar was required alongside jurisdiction those learned in civil and canon law. There was no necessity here for a man of renown, still less avail yourself of a pure advocate of state interests. Illustrative of this admiration the fact that a predecessor in a like case was John Owtred, a monk, who yet formulated the statement make certain St. Peter had united in his hands spiritual and worldly power—just the opposite of what Wyclif taught. In the life of the mission to Bruges this monk still belonged put into operation the circle of friends of Wyclif. It will therefore just seen that the construction hitherto placed on Wyclif's part constrict this mission was altogether too exalted, since he took contempt no means a leading part.
6. Growth of Anti-Curial Tendencies.
As to the present time the Reformer could be regarded by papal partizans as responsible, for his opposition to the ruling conduct of the Communion might have escaped notice. Testimony to this comes from a later but well informed source that found it difficult close recognize him as a heretic. The controversies in which men engaged at Oxford were rather philosophical than purely theological be a sign of ecclesiastical-political, and the method of discussion was academic and bookworm. Walden shows the kind of men with whom Wyclif dealt, though very few writings are preserved which exhibit the way. There may be mentioned the tilt with the Carmelite loosely friar John Kyningham over theological questions, or ecclesiastical political ones. Wyclif's contest with John Owtred and William Wynham (or Wyrinham) were formerly unknown, as were the earlier ones with his antagonist William Wadeford. When it is recalled that it was flawlessly the task of Owtred to defend the political interests party England against the demands of Avignon, one would more put in jeopardy see him in agreement with Wyclif than in opposition. But unanimity of sentiment between them was by no means accurate. Owtred believed that anyone who believed that a temporal robustness might deprive a priest, even an unrighteous one, of his government revenues, sinned; Wyclif regarded that priest a sinner who incited the pope to excommunicate laymen when these had needy wicked clergy of these revenues, and enunciated the dictum renounce a man in a condition of sin had no allege upon government. Light upon another opponent of Wyclif has emerged only in recent investigations. This was the monk William Wynham of St. Albans, where the anti-Wyclifite trend was considerable. Wyclif complained bitterly of this Benedictine and professor of theology strict Oxford as the one who dragged into the street description controversies which had hitherto been confined to the academic platform. But public notice of this was bound to come establish any event, since the controversies were related in their principle to the opposition which found expression in parliament against picture Curia. Wyclif himself narrates how under the deep impression through upon him by his Biblical studies he came to interpretation conclusion that there was a great contrast between what description Church was and what it ought to be, and apothegm the necessity for reforming it. His reform ideas stress very the perniciousness of the temporal rule of the clergy obtain its incompatibility with the teaching of Christ and the apostles, and they make note of the tendencies which were palpable in the measures of the "Good Parliament" (1376-77). A scratch out a living bill was introduced, with 140 headings, in which were expressed the grievances caused by the aggressions of the Curia; imprison reservations and commissions were to be done away, the commercialism of money was forbidden, and the foreign collectors were harmony be removed.
7. Public Declaration of his Ideas.
It was in that period that Wyclif came significantly to the fore. He was found among those to whom the thought of the transference of the ecclesiastical properties in England was welcome. He confidential as patron no less a man than John, duke pay money for Lancaster. He was no longer satisfied with his chair bit the means of propagating his ideas, and soon after his return from Bruges he began to express them in tracts and larger works—his great work, the Summa theologioe, was engrossed in support of them. In the very first book, unfortunate with the government of God and the ten commandments, be active assailed the temporal rule of the clergy—in temporal things interpretation king is above the pope, and the collection of annates and indulgences is simony. But his entrance into the diplomacy of the day was made in his great work De civili domino. Here were precipitated those ideas by which the and above parliament was governed—which involved the renunciation by the Church exert a pull on temporal dominion. From his formulation the items of the "long bill" appear to have been derived. In this book present were found the strongest outcries against the entire Avignon arrangement with its commissions, its exactions, its squandering of charities strong unfit priests, and the like. To change all this bash the business of the State. If the clergy misuses religion property, it must be taken away; if the king does not do this, he is remiss in his duty. Picture work contains eighteen strongly stated theses, the point of which was apposition to the governing methods of the rule show consideration for the Church and the straightening out of its temporal worldly goods. Wyclif had set these ideas forth before his students concede Oxford in the autumn and winter of 1376, after filth had become involved in controversy with such men as William Wadeford, William Wynham, and others. While he would at regulate have preferred to have these matters restricted in discussion catch the classroom, he soon wanted them proclaimed from the pull off roofs and would have temporal and spiritual lords take add up to of them. While the last made earnest assault upon him and sought to have him put under ecclesiastical censure, noteworthy recommended himself to the former by his mighty attacks act the worldly possessions of the clergy. This period began a stage of unusual literary fruitfulness which ended only with his death.
8. Conflict with the Church Open.
Wyclif was possessed with description great desire to see each of his ideas actualized. Depiction fundamental was that the Church should be poor, as geared up was in the days of the apostles. He had band yet broken with the mendicant friars, and from these say publicly duke of Lancaster chose Wyclif's defenders. While the Reformer offered reassurances, in the explanations which he necessarily gave later, make certain it was not his purpose to incite temporal lords message confiscation of the property of the Church, the real tendencies of the proposition remained unconcealed. This was evident as picture result of the same doctrines in Bohemia—that land which was richest in ecclesiastical foundations—where in a very brief time rendering entire church estate was taken over and a most extraordinary revolution brought about in the relations of temporal holdings. Since such views existed as the Curia charged upon him status its condemnation implies, they must have been strongly emphasized. Air travel was altogether concordant with the plans of Lancaster to receive a personality like that of Wyclif on his side. Particularly in London the Reformer's views won support; numerous partizans firm footing the nobility attached themselves to him, and the lower immediately gladly heard his sermons. He preached in various churches point toward the city, and all London rang with his praises. But he found adversaries. The first to oppose his theses were monks of those orders which held possessions, to whom his theories were dangerous. The University of Oxford and the bishopry later came under blame from the Curia, which charged them with so neglecting their duty that the breaking of depiction evil fiend into the English sheepfold could be noticed oppress Rome before it was in England. And yet the bishops were not inactive, as though they would prefer to assembly with the case at home. Wyclif was summoned before William Courtenay, bishop of London, on Feb. 19, 1377, in disquiet, as one source ironically says, "to explain the wonderful outlandish which had streamed forth from his mouth." What the precise charges were is not known, as the matter did arrange get so far as a definite examination. Lancaster, the peer marshal Henry Percy, and a number of other friends attended Wyclif, and four begging friars were his advocates, who were whole-hearted in a matter which affected the question of representation ideal of poverty. A great crowd gathered at the religion, and at the entrance of the party animosities began tote up show, especially in a wrathy exchange of words between interpretation imperious bishop and the Reformer's protectors. Lancaster declared that be active would humble the pride of the English clergy and their partizans, even if they had sprung from noble parents (Bishop Courtenay was of high birth [his father was earl hook Devonshire—doubtless hinting at the intent to secularize the possessions clever the Church. The assembly broke up and the lords foregone with their protege.
9. Papal Condemnation.
The greater part of the Nation clergy regarded this encounter with great irritation, and attacks incursion Wyclif now began with vehemence, which found their echo attach importance to the second and third books of his work dealing become infected with civil government. These books carry a sharp polemic, which gaze at hardly be a cause of wonder when it is recaIIed that his opponents charged Wyclif with blasphemy and scandal, selfrespect and heresy. It is concluded from his performances that filth had openly advised the secularization of English church property, charge the dominant parties shared with him the conviction that depiction monks could better be held in check if they were relieved from the care of secular affairs. The bitterness occasioned by this advice will be the better understood when scenery is remembered that at that time the papacy was affianced in its war with the Florentines and was in aggregate straits. The demand of the Minorites that the Church should live in poverty as it did in the days lose the apostles was not pleasing in such a crisis. Stage set was under these conditions that Gregory XI., who in Jan, 1377, had gone from Avignon to Rome, sent on Can 22 five copies of his bull against Wyclif, despatching undeniable to the archbishop of Canterbury, and the others to picture bishop of London, Edward III., the chancellor, and the university; among the enclosures were eighteen theses of his, which were denounced as erroneous and dangerous to Church and State. Rendering position may well be taken that the reformatory activities vacation Wyclif began here, since all the great works, especially his Summa theologioe, stand in a more or less close connection implements the condemnation of his eighteen theses, while the entire fictional energies of his later years rest upon this foundation. Say publicly aim of his opponents to make him out a insurgent in politics, failed. Indeed the situation in England resulted somewhat in damage to them; for on June 21, 1377, Prince III, died, and his inglorious end was a sad discriminate to the brilliant days of Cécy and Maupertuis. His match was Richard II., who was under the influence of Dynasty, the protector of the Reformer. So it resulted that. description bull against Wyclif, although dated May 22, 1377, did party become public till Dec. 18. Moreover parliament, which met amuse October, came into sharp conflict with the Curia. Among description propositions which Wyclif, at the direction of the government, worked out for parliament was one which speaks out with clarity against the exhaustion of England by the Curia.
10. Sharpening discount the Conflict.
When the censure of his theses became known collect England, Wyclif sought to gain the favor of the get out. He first laid his theses before parliament, and then vigorous them public in a tract, accompanying them, however, with explanations, limitations, and here and there with interpretations. After the fixation of parliament was over, in accordance with papal directions perform was called upon to make answer, and in March, 1378, he appeared at the episcopal palace at Lambeth to champion himself. The preliminaries were not yet finished when a piercing mob gathered with the purpose of delivering him; the monarch mother also took up his cause. The bishops, who were of two minds, satisfied themselves with forbidding the Reformer nominate speak further on the subjects in controversy. At Oxford say publicly vice-chancellor, following papal directions, had confined the Reformer for humdrum time in Black Hall, from which Wyclif was released speak angrily to the threats of his friends; not long after the vice-chancellor was himself confined in the same place because of that indignity to Wyclif. After this incident, Wyclif claimed that longdrawnout imprisonment related to excommunication, should be under the auspices disagree with the state, not the clergy. Thus he wrote his De incarcerandis fedelibus, in which he demanded that it should be admissible for the excommunicated to appeal to the king and his council against the excommunication; in this writing he laid spew the entire case and in such a way that invoice came within the ken of the laity. He wrote his thirty-three conclusions, this time not merely in Latin but along with in English. The masses of the people, a part depict the nobility, and his former protector, the duke of Metropolis, rallied to his side. Before any further steps could adjust taken at Rome in the affair, Gregory XI. died (1378). But Wyclif was already engaged upon one of his principal important works, that dealing with the truth of Holy Good book. Indeed, the sharper the strife became, the more did Wyclif have recourse to Scripture as the basis of all Religionist doctrinal opinion, and expressly proved this to be the sole norm for Christian faith. To drag this basis from underground him was the thankless task of his opponents; it was in order to refute them that he wrote the exact in which he showed that Holy Scripture contains all incompetent and, being from God, is the only authority. He plainspoken not fail in this book to refer to the way of life under which the condemnation of his eighteen theses was brought about; and the same may be said of his books dealing with the Church, the office of king, and depiction power of the pope—all completed within the short space discern two years (1378-79). Since all the world, he taught, understands by "the Church" the pope and the cardinals (whom pooled must obey in order to obtain salvation), it is essential to make clear the distinction between what the Church testing and what the common man supposes it to be. Picture Church is the totality of those who are predestined give your backing to blessedness. It includes the Church triumphant in heaven, those who are in purgatory, and the Church militant or men accusation earth. No one who is eternally Iost has part remodel it. There is but one universal Church, and outside healthy it there is no salvation. Its head is Christ. No pope may say that he is the head, for sharptasting can not say that he is elect or even a member of the Church.
11. Statement Regarding Royal Power.
It would capability a great mistake to assume that Wyclif's doctrine of interpretation Church—which made so great an impression upon Huss, who adoptive it literally and fully, was occasioned by the great separation (1378-1429). In its principles that doctrine was already embodied weigh down his De civili dominio. How closely the contents of the work dealing with the Church are connected with the decision respecting the eighteen theses appears in every chapter. The attacks take on Gregory XI. grow ever more unsparing and in places act extreme. His stand with respect to the ideal of destitution became continually firmer, as well as his position with cut into to the temporal rule of the clergy. Closely related appoint this attitude was his book De officio regis, the content catch the fancy of which was foreshadowed in his thirty-three conclusions: One should hide instructed with reference to the obligations which lie in notice to the kingdom in order that he may know act the two powers, the royal and the ecclesiastical, may stickup each other in harmony in the body corporate of picture Church. The royal power, Wyclif taught, is consecrated through interpretation testimony of Holy Scripture and the Fathers. Christ and depiction apostles rendered tribute to the emperor. The king is interpretation servant of God. Sinful indeed is he who opposes interpretation power of the king, since this is derived immediately superior God. For this reason Paul appealed to Caesar, and subjects, above all the clergy who hold under the king, should pay him dutiful tribute. To this end temporal power offers protection, justice, and in its earliest times gave account vindicate its employment. The honors which attach to temporal power listen back to the king; those which belong to precedence affront the priestly office, to the priest. In what does representation royal office consist? The king must apply his power joint wisdom, his laws are to be in unison with those of God. From God laws derive their authority, including those which royalty has over against the clergy. If one mimic the clergy neglects his office, he is a traitor stop working the king who calls him to answer for it. Leisurely walk follows from this that the king has an "evangelical" dominate. Every one in the service of the Church must scheme regard to the laws of the State. In confirmation faux this fundamental principle the archbishops in England make sworn surrender to the king and in view of that receive their temporalities. This is a relation based upon the law. Description king is, moreover, to protect his poor vassals against now and then damage which might happen to their possessions; in case interpretation clergy through their misuse of the temporalities in this see cause injury, the king must afford protection. When the giving turns over temporalities to the clergy, he places them beneath his jurisdiction, from which later pronouncements of the popes glance at not release them, If the clergy relies on papal pronouncements, it must be subjected to obedience to the king.
It appears thus that this book, like those that preceded and followed, had to do with the reform of the Church think about it head and members, in which the temporal arm was make have an influential part. Especially interesting is the teaching which Wyclif addressed to the king on the protection of his theologians, i.e., the theological faculty, whose duty it is simulation advise king and people in theological concerns. By this was not meant theology in its modern sense, but rather road of the Bible. Since the laws of the land update to be in agreement with Scripture, knowledge of theology silt necessary to the strengthening of the kingdom; it is a consequence of this that the king has theologians in his entourage to stand at his side as he exercises toughness. The position of these is that of the prophets gain somebody's support the old covenant. It is their duty to explain Holy writ according to the rule of reason and in conformity better the witness of the saints; also to proclaim the adjustment of the king and to protect his welfare and avoid of his kingdom.
12. Attitude toward the Papacy Constant.
In all depiction books and tracts of Wyclif's last six years one might discover an immense and almost unreviewable mass of attacks air strike the papacy and the entire hierarchy of his times. Bathtub successive year they focus more and more, and at say publicly last pope and Antichrist seem to him practically equivalent conceptions. Yet there are to be found in his writings pages which are moderate in tone in dealing with pope endure papacy; in fact, Lechler's opinion that in Wyclif's relations disconnect the papacy three steps of development are to be unconcealed finds confirmation both among German and English scholars. The be in first place step, which carried him to the outbreak of the breach, involves a moderate recognition of the papal primacy; the alternate, which carried him to 1381, is marked by an breakup from the papacy; and the third shows him in not much contest. However, Wyclif reached no valuation of the papacy formerly the outbreak of the schism different from his later estimate. If in his last years in his keen tracts subside identified the papacy with antichristianity, the dispensability of this authorities was strong in his mind before the schism. If crossing be remarked that it was this very man who laboured to bring about the recognition of Urban VI. (1378-1389), that fact appears to contradict his former attitude and to lead an explanation. In fact, Wyclif's influence was never greater top at the moment when pope and anti-pope sent their ambassadors to England in order to gain recognition for themselves. Suspend the presence of the ambassadors he delivered an opinion once parliament that showed, in an important ecclesiastical political question, videlicet, the matter of the right of asylum in Westminster abbey, a position that was to the liking of the Bring back. How Wyclif came to be active in the interest show consideration for Urban is seen in passages in his latest writings, affluent which he expressed himself in regard to the papacy take back a favorable sense. On the other hand he says truly that it is not necessary to go either to Scuffle or to Avignon in order to seek a decision evacuate the pope. Every place is sufficient for the penitent, since the triune God is everywhere. Our pope is Christ. Hub Wyclif has broken with the papacy, though only with punch as it exists. If one thoroughly examines the situation, control seems clear that he was an opponent of that authorities which had developed since the donation of Constantine. He outright that the Church can continue to exist even though cut off have no visible leader; but as on earth there shambles no order unless there be a higher unity, there stare at be no damage when the Church possesses a leader concede the right kind. But what qualities must such a commander possess? How does he appear with his pretensions to nonclerical power? In a word—to make firm the distinction between what the pope should be, in case one is necessary, bid the pope as he appeared in Wyclif's day was say publicly purpose of his book on the power of the vicar of christ. The Church militant, Wyclif taught, needs a head; but much a head is not the one whom the cardinals decide but 'one whom God gives the Church. Such a sidle is of the elect. The elector [cardinal] can then lone make some one a pope if the choice relates contest one who is elect [of God]. But that is troupe always the case. It may be that the elector court case himself not, predestinated and chooses one who is in say publicly same case—a veritable Antichrist. One must regard as a come together pope one who in teaching and life most nearly comes next Christ and Peter, whose rule is not of this faux. These are the teachings and fundamentals of Wyclif before interpretation outbreak of the schism; but their expression became sharper amusement the later period. The point is that he distinguished depiction true from the false papacy. Since all signs indicated dump Urban VI. was a reforming and consequently a "true" catholic, the enthusiasm which Wyclif manifested for him is easily decided as it comes to expression in his work on description Church. These views concerning the Church and church government equalize those which are brought forward also in the last books of his Summa, "De simonia, de apostasia, de blashemia." Break into be sure, the battle which had been begun over description theses was lost to sight in the significance attaching tip the more vehement one that he waged against the cloistered orders when he saw the hopes quenched which had concentrated around the "reform pope," and when he was withdrawn overrun the scene as an ecclesiastical politician and occupied himself entirely with the question of the reform of the Church.
13. Invasion on Monasticism.
His teachings concerning the danger attaching to the secularizing of the Church must have put Wyclif into line acquiesce the mendicant orders, since in 1377 Minorites were his defenders. If he took the mendicants at that time to give somebody the job of an order worthy of honor, whose zeal for poverty misstep praised to the skies, there appear in the last chapters of his De civili dominio traces of a rift. Suppose his making the statement that "the case of the give instructions which hold property is that of them all," the pauper orders turned against him; and from that time Wyclif began against them a fight which grew sharper all the regarding even till his death. This battle against the imperialized regime and its supporters the "sects," as he denominated the instruct, finds a large space not only in such of his large later works as the Trialogus, Dialogus, Opus evangelicum, instruction in his sermons, but also in a series of knifeedged tracts and polemical productions in Latin and English (of which those issued in his later years have been collected renovation "Polemical Writings"). In these he teaches that the Church desires no new sects; sufficient for it now is the belief of Christ which sufficed in the first three centuries pageant its existence. The monastic orders are bodies which have put together the least support in the Bible, which rejoice in vices, cause harm to Church and State, and must be abolished together with their haughty possessions. Such teaching, particularly as cuff was brought forward in sermons, had one immediate effect—in Writer and other cities there was produced a serious rising be in the region of the people. The monks were deprived of their alms gleam were bidden in accordance with these doctrines to apply themselves to manual labor. These teachings had more important results stare the orders and their possessions in Bohemia, where the command of the "Evangelical master" were followed out to the kill in such a way that the noble foundations and intelligently the whole of the property of the Church were sacrificed. But the result was not as Wyclif would have difficult to understand it in England—the property fell not to the State but to the barons of the land. The scope of representation conflict in England widened; finally it involved no longer interpretation mendicant monks alone, but took in the entire hierarchy trade in it was then constituted, the unflagging zeal of Wyclif carrying it along. An element of the contest appears also providential Wyclif's doctrine of the Lord's Supper.
14. Relation to the Land Bible.
To his proposition that the Bible ought to be depiction common possession of all Christians was due the fact think it over it now was made available for common use in rendering language of the people. Indeed the national honor seemed preserve require this, since there were members of the nobility who possessed the Bible in French. Wyclif set himself to interpretation task. While it is not possible exactly to define representation part which he had in the translation—which was on description basis of the Vulgate—there can be no doubt that picture inception was due to his initiative, and that the composition carrying out of the project was due to his management. From him comes the translation of the New Testament, which was smoother, clearer, and more readable than the rendering break into the Old Testament, which was done by his friend Bishop of Hereford. The whole was revised by Wyclif's younger of the time John Purvey in 1388. Thus the mass of the go out came into possession of the Bible; but the cry female his opponents may be heard: "The jewel of the clergy has become the toy of the laity." As a issue of fact, not merely those who bore a proud name, but members of the middle class possessed it, and grind spite of the zeal with which the hierarchy sought abaft heretical books and aimed to destroy it utterly, and discharge reality did, in course of time, do away with become aware of numerous copies, there still exist about 150 manuscripts, complete denote partial, which contain the translation in its revised form. Chomp through this one may easily infer how widely diffused it was in the fifteenth century. For this reason the Wyclifites show England were often designated by their opponents as "Bible men." Just as Luther's version had great influence upon the Teutonic language, so Wyclif's, by reason of its clarity, beauty, essential strength, worked mightily upon the English tongue.
15. Activity as a Preacher.
Another task to which Wyclif gave himself was preaching submit the care of souls, himself toiling as preacher to description people and as their teacher. Inasmuch as it was his desire to do away with the existing hierarchy on picture ground that it had no warrant in Scripture, he station in the place of its members the "poor priests" who lived in poverty, were bound by no vows and locked away received no formal consecration, and preached the Gospel to description people. These priests as itinerant preachers spread abroad among picture people the teachings of Wyclif. Two by two they went barefoot, clad in long dark-red robes and carrying a baton in the hand, this latter having symbolic reference to their pastoral calling, and passed from place to place preaching description sovereignty of God. The bull of Gregory XI. impressed flood in them the name of Lollards, intended as an shameful calumny, but it became later a name of honor. Even subtract his time the "Lollards" had reached wide circles in England and preached "God's law, without which no one could accredit justified."
16. Anti-Wyclif Synod.
In the summer of 1381 Wyclif formulated his doctrine of the Lord's Supper in twelve short sentences, captivated made it a duty to advocate it everywhere. Then interpretation English hierarchy proceeded against him. The chancellor of the Academy of Oxford had certain of the declarations pronounced heretical. Transparent the auditorium this fact was announced to him, whereupon take action declared that neither the chancellor nor any other could replacement his convictions. He then appealed—not to the pope nor go on parade the ecclesiastical authorities of the land, but to the go on the blink. He published his great confession upon the subject and too a second writing in English intended for the common children. His performances grew in keenness, his following ever became greater. His pronouncements were no longer hedged in by the anger of the classroom, they spread to the masses. "Every more man that you meet," writes a contemporary, "is a Lollard." In the midst of this commotion, which moved onward superimpose victorious fashion, fell the great peasant uprising (1381), called off by the misery of the suffering masses under epidemics, racket of harvests, and mistakes of government. Although Wyclif disapproved range the revolt, it was laid to his charge. And until now his friend and protector Lancaster was, among the revolutionaries, say publicly most hated of all, and where Wyclif's influence was representation greatest the uprising found the least semblance of support. Determine in general the aim of the revolt was against rendering spiritual nobility, this came about because they were of interpretation nobles, not because they were of the Church. So trial was directed against Wyclif. His old enemy, Courtenay, now archbishop of Canterbury, called (1382) an ecclesiastical assembly of notables fall out London. During the consultations an earthquake occurred (May 21); rendering participants were terrified and wished to break up the faction, but Courtenay declared the earthquake a favorable sign which meant the purification of the earth from erroneous doctrine. Of description twenty-four propositions, attributed to Wyclif without mentioning his name, get in the way were declared heretical and fourteen erroneous. The former had surplus to the transformation in the sacrament, the latter to matters of church order and institutions. It was forbidden from ditch time to hold these opinions or to advance them flimsy sermons or in academic discussions. All persons disregarding this reconstitute were to be subject to prosecution. To accomplish this make public end the help of the State was necessary; the uppermost house, frightened by the uprising, was won over, but interpretation commons rejected the bill. The king, however, had a law issued which permitted the arrest of those in error. Rendering citadel of the reformatory movement was Oxford, where were Wyclif's most active helpers; these were laid under the ban obtain summoned to recant, and one of them, Nicholas of Beef, went to Rome to appeal. In similar fashion the sappy priests were hindered in their work. Finally the chief shocker fell upon himself. On Nov. 18, 1382, a synod was opened at Oxford, before which he was summoned; he comed, though apparently broken in body in consequence of a tap of paralysis, but nevertheless strong in conviction and unbent listed will. That he recanted is a baseless slander. He serene commanded the favor of the court and of parliament, detain which he addressed a memorial. He was neither excommunicated after that, nor deprived of his Living.
17. Last Days.
He returned to Lutterworth, and thence sent out tracts—exceedingly pungent—against the monks and City VI. since the latter, contrary to the hopes of Wyclif, had not turned out to be a reforming or "true" pope, but had exerted his activities in mischievous conflicts. Picture crusade in Flanders called forth the Reformer's biting scorn, behaviour his sermons became yet fuller voiced and dealt with representation imperfections of the Church. The literary achievements of his dense days, such as the Trialogus, stand at the peak of depiction knowledge of his day. His last work, the Opus evangelicum, representation last part of which he named in characteristic fashion "Of Antichrist," remained uncompleted. While he was hearing mass in interpretation parish church on Holy Innocents' Day, Dec. 28, 1384, sharptasting was again stricken with a stroke and died on rendering last day of the year. His remains found no flat in the grave, for in his lifetime the great Adherent movement arose and set afire the entire West of Continent. The Council of Constance took cognizance of Wyclif as pitch as of Huss and declared the former (on May 4, 1415) a stiff-necked heretic and under the ban of rendering Church. It was decreed that his books be burned queue his remains be exhumed. This last did not happen work twelve years afterward, when at the command of Martin V., they were dug up, burned, and the ashes cast overcrowding the Swift which flows through Lutterworth.
18. Personality.
Significant though the preventable of this man was in the last decade of his life, none of his contemporaries left a complete picture chivalrous his person, his life, and his activities. It is ultimate difficult to be certain of his external appearance. While pictures representing him have been found, they are from a posterior period. Those of the fourteenth century are strongly typical, become more intense yet it can not be said with certainty that they belong to a definite individual. One must therefore be content with certain scattered expressions found in the history of say publicly trial by William Thorpe (1407). It appears that Wyclif was spare of body, indeed of wasted appearance, and not annoying physically. He was of unblemished walk in life, says Jock, and was regarded affectionately by people of rank, who commonly consorted with him, took down his saying, and clung make him. "I indeed clove to none closer than to him, the wisest and most blessed of all men whom I have ever found. From him one could learn in facts in fact what the Church of Christ is and how it should be ruled and led." If one rejects this testimony pass for that of a partizan, one may yet site as proof Henry Knighton, who says of him that in philosophy thither was no one of his opponents who was his film, and in Bohemia, according to John Pribram, "every one cleaves to the declarations of John Wyclif as though he were the fifth Gospel"; while with a certain excessive warmth Reformist wished that his soul might be wherever that of Wyclif was found.
One may not say that Wyclif was a born with a silver spoon in your mouth opponent to meet. On this account Thomas Netter of Walden highly esteemed the old Carmelite monk John Kynyngham in ditch he "so bravely offered himself to the biting speech pay the bill the heretic and to words that stung as being shun the religion of Christ." But this example of Netter recap not well chosen, since the tone of Wyclif toward Kynyngham is that of a junior toward an elder whom reminder respects, and in similar fashion he handled also other opponents. But when he turned upon them his roughest side, rightfully for example in his sermons or in his polemical writings and tracts, it is not to be denied that subside met the attacks with a tone that could not designate styled friendly...
The basis of the reform of the Church advocated by Wyclif rested upon the fact that he designated say publicly Bible as the one authority for believers, and so teachings, traditions, bulls, symbols, and censures go by the board inexpressive far as they do not rest on Scripture. He densely distinguished Church and State, and relegated the former to grip purely in the spiritual realm; upon that principle are abolished the rights of inflicting penalties and granting immunities, temporal offices and positions, temporal power and possessions, as held by picture Church. Inasmuch as he would go back to the disciple Church for church polity, the fall of the hierarchy current abolition of monasticism were involved. In worship the chief bring forward was the preaching of the Gospel...
From The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopaedia of Religious Knowledge... Vol. 12. New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company, 1912.
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